The declining tribal population in Jharkhand has become a crucial concern for governments. The 2011 Census puts the tribals’ share in the state population at 26.21 percent — a 0.9 percentage drop from the 2001 figure.
In 2023, Union Home Minister Amit Shah put this figure at 24 percent, an extremely low percentage for a state whose birth is attributed to the welfare of tribals. Subject matter experts tend to attribute this decline to migration, low birth, and high death rates.
However, there is a corresponding trend that would have been ignored by the intelligentsia if the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had not picked it up. This trend is the corresponding rise in the Muslim population of the state.
Before we get to the details, here is one simple puzzle for you. If the sum of A and B remains constant, and A witnesses a decline while B sees an uptick, what would the obvious conclusion be? The answer lies at the end of this piece.
The story of Muslim immigration to Jharkhand goes back to the late ’60s and early ’70s — a time when Muslims were not more than eight percent of the population in the Santhal Pargana region, which consists of Dumka, Deoghar, Jamtara, Pakur, Godda, and Sahebganj. Moreover, these Muslims were those who had stayed in India and become Indian citizens.
The problem for Santhal Pargana began after the Bangladesh Liberation War. Instead of Hindus, who should have travelled to India, it was Bengali Muslims who chose not to settle in the country where they were in the majority and decided to infiltrate the Indian borders.
Initially, they began entering Malda, Murshidabad, and Dinajpur districts of Bengal. They looked towards Jharkhand (and Bihar too) when these districts became over-occupied. After over-occupying Bengal, they started to seep into neighbouring districts like Kishanganj, Katihar, Purnia, Araria, and even Bhagalpur (of Bihar) and the Santhal Pargana division of Jharkhand.
“These regions are closer to Bangladesh than any other part of Jharkhand. In fact, the distance between Pakur and the India-Bangladesh border is only 10 kilometres. Our district becomes an easy target,” said Saurav, a Pakur youth who is visibly frustrated with the situation.
At that time, Congress used to rule undivided Bihar, and due to its Muslim appeasement politics, it encouraged them to settle and slowly snatch away the rights of Hindus living in those areas.
Hindus, who gave them space, were driven out by constant disrespect and the violation of their sacred rituals. Beef being thrown near places of worship is one of the major tactics they use to dissuade Hindus from living in the area.
“Their modus operandi is simple. One person will come with his family, and then he will call his relatives. Before you realise, your entire village will be dominated by the very people you saw as guests just a few years ago,” said Rakesh Murmu, a man who earns his living by travelling 5-7 km per day to market.
When Lalu Yadav became Bihar’s chief minister in 1990, people expected that Congress’s appeasement politics would take a hit. By then, 15 percent of the population in Santhal Pargana was Muslim, and it could have been controlled with timely measures. The expectation was higher since Lalu comes from the Yadav community, which had spearheaded Hindus’ resistance in the 1989 Bhagalpur riots.
However, he also formed his own Muslim-Yadav (M-Y) combination and took Congress’s appeasement politics to a new level. Lalu did not address the infiltration, which was beneficial for him due to their high birth rates.
“In Santhal Pargana, those immigrants who had settled here in the last 20 years took up active politics and became members of Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal. They used to pull votes in large numbers, and RJD encouraged infiltration for vote-bank purposes,” said a senior retired politician from Godda, on condition of anonymity.
After the formation of Jharkhand, they had almost a free hand due to poor road connectivity and a lack of basic infrastructural facilities.
The terrains in Jharkhand are mostly vacant. Even to this day, if one travels from one city to another or does an intra-city ride between mountains, finding a tea stall is difficult. Often, two such snack shops are 20-30 km away from each other, indicating that there are lots of vacant spaces around roads and in villages.
Even in villages, the distance between two homes or two streets is quite significant. The low population density among tribal villages leaves a loophole for outsiders.
Bangladeshi infiltrators took advantage of exactly that. Since tribals have a tendency of minding their own business, infiltrators started to occupy empty spaces and quickly grew in numbers. Tribals had only two options — welcome them or push back.
While welcoming people is their default setting, even if they wanted to push back, it was no longer a viable option. The infiltrators were always more politically aware and closely connected to their survival instincts.
In metaphysical terms, the competition for resources between Islamic infiltrators and Jharkhand-based tribals is actually a battle between two tribes of contrasting natures. One tribe comes from Bangladesh, whose ultimate goal is expansion and conquest, while those living in Jharkhand (mainly Santhals) tend to be uninterested in that.
So, the story of invasions that have mired the Indian subcontinent for the last 1300 years is still ongoing in Santhal Pargana.
As reported by TFI, in the 1970s, Muslims made up 8 percent of Santhal Pargana’s population; today, they exceed 27 percent across its six districts. Over 90 percent of these Muslims trace their origins to East Pakistan or Bangladesh.
Sahebganj and Pakur, bordering Bengal’s Malda district, are the most affected. Malda, now a Muslim-majority district, has over 55 percent Muslims, primarily Bangladeshi immigrants.
Muslims form over 38 percent of Sahebganj and Pakur’s population, 25 percent in Godda, 24 percent in Deoghar, 22 percent in Jamtara, and 10 percent in Dumka. In Barharwa (Sahebganj), their population rose from 8 percent in 1971 to 55 percent today.
However, considering the local laws in operation, the modus operandi of land grab is a bit different here. What these people do is pressure tribal people to donate land and create fake donation documents under the pretense of familial relations. These documents claim that the land is being handed over due to a lack of space or family ties.
A report submitted to Home Minister Amit Shah by the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) confirms this.
Asha Lakda, who authored this report, said that in Tetariya of Sahebganj district, tribals’ Gochar land was occupied for the construction of a mosque. A Jaher Than (Devasthal) — a sacred place of tribals — was also occupied for constructing a burial site. Remarkably, the district administration even allocated Rs 28 lakh for the construction.
In places where they are unsuccessful in occupying land or political power, ‘Love Jihad’ by marrying tribal girls is used as a strategy.
In Barhait Block, the issue has surfaced in Kadma, Gopaldih, and Phoolbhanga Panchayats, with the last being linked to a Panchayat Samiti member. A similar pattern has emerged in Udhwa Block, particularly in Dakshin Begamganj Panchayat. In Rajmahal Block, Lakhipur Panchayat has been identified, while Barharwa Block has reported instances in Satgachhi, Madhuapada, and Mayur Kola Panchayats.
The situation is so dire that tribals do not have many avenues left. “There were many instances where tribals were beaten black and blue by foreigners occupying their farmlands, and the police decided to look the other way,” said Muni Hembram, a Sahebganj resident.
Accusations of Hemant Soren’s administration being hand in glove with Islamists are not new. A simple visit to any of JMM’s offices will reveal that its campaign runs on relatively wealthier tribals (mainly Santhals) and Muslims.
“These wealthy Santhals have now tasted money and are after that only. Preservation of their traditions and community is no longer their primary concern. They will join hands with anyone for money now,” said Michael Hansda, who had campaigned for Shibu Soren in the late ’80s and ’90s.
Somehow, the JMM cadre also remains dismissive of this problem. Questions about changing demographics are often diverted to multiculturalism and the right of every community to manage its culture.
“What they forget is that the right to manage culture does not mean the right to destroy it,” said Sandeep, a senior BJP worker deployed in Sahebganj.
We hope you have got the answer to the question we asked above. Yes, the increase in the Muslim population (from Bangladesh) is the reason behind the decline of tribals’ share in Jharkhand’s population.
