In the week gone by, the United States, the UK, and France once again separately backed India’s bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. Ironically, such individual backing by a majority of the UN members in the past decades has yet to translate into a decisive vote on the matter.
First, it was US President Joe Biden who in talks with visiting Prime Minister Narendra Modi supported initiatives to reform global institutions to reflect India’s important voice, including permanent membership for India in a reformed UN Security Council.
French President Emmanuel Macron followed with his strong support for New Delhi’s permanent seat claim. The latest was the UK Prime Minister, Keith Starmer, who backed India’s bid, saying the Security Council must change to become a “more representative body”.
This backing is another opportunity for India to reinforce its decades-old arguments to have a permanent seat on the Council. It has been India’s consistent that in the 21st century, the Council’s representation does not reflect contemporary geo-political realities.
Providing a fillip to the country’s case, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres issued one of his oft-expressed warnings, describing the Council as “outdated” and whose authority is eroding, and that it will eventually lose all credibility unless its composition and working methods are reformed.
India has a strong curriculum vitae to bolster its demand. It has been an original member of the League of Nations even before it became independent. It has been a non-permanent member of the Security Council for eight terms, the most recent being the 2021-22 term. Along with Japan, Germany, and Brazil, it is a member of the G4 which came up exclusively to back one another’s case for a permanent seat on the Council.
India is among the most vocal charter members of the United Nations with a history of strategic interventions on key global issues and disputes. It has sent troops as part of UN Peacekeeping efforts to various conflict zones.
The reason for no progress on India’s bid is the stagnated UN reforms process. The review of the Security Council is expected to be part of this process.
António Guterres has made proposals to reform the United Nations since the beginning of his term in January 2017. He has announced several ‘reforms’ but they are procedural rather than institutional. Not many of institutional changes he can bring about with the bosses, like the Americans and the rest of the Security Council table, arriving at a consensus. That’s quite far-fetched at the moment.
In such a situation, the repeated and regular re-iteration of backing of India’s big by the international community can keep up the din, ensuring the matter is not put on the back burner. The iteration also reflects the growing strength and influence as an up-and-coming powerful player in world politics.
In recent years, India has gained credibility and cornered applause for handling openly contradictory situations. The best example is the US not objecting to India importing discounted fuel from Russia despite Western sanctions against the latter for going to war with Ukraine – a classic instance of India balancing Russia and the West. While maintaining its strategic partnership with Russia, India has managed to further strengthen its strategic ties with the United States.
India has also managed to open a line of communication with Ukraine while continuing to talk to Russia. In both cases, New Delhi’s emphasis has been on ending the conflict as early as possible. Both sides have not chided India for talking to both of them simultaneously.
The Narendra Modi government has adopted a multi-alignment strategy as opposed to the traditional non-alignment one. The Russia-Ukraine conversation falls in this category. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Russia for the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit highlights India’s ability to navigate complex geopolitical situations and maintain strong relationships with major powers despite their differences.
India’s presidency of the G20 in 2023 marked the country’s arrival at the top echelons of the global power order. A major highlight was India’s successful push for the African Union’s permanent membership in the G20, elevating the representation of the Global South. This move demonstrated India’s commitment to reforming global governance structures and its role as a voice for developing nations, while also strengthening its ties with African countries.
The world has noticed that New Delhi opted for a balanced approach to the Israel-Hamas Conflict. India’s response to the Israel-Hamas conflict exemplifies its nuanced multi-alignment approach in foreign policy. While condemning the Hamas attack last October and expressing solidarity with Israel, India has simultaneously called for de-escalation, dialogue, and a return to diplomacy. Maintaining its long-standing support for a two-state solution, India continues to advocate for an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel.
The latest move, of course, is India bringing Quad to India in 2025. As part of the Quad engagement and Indo-Pacific strategy, India’s active participation in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue with the US, Japan, and Australia represents a key aspect of its Indo-Pacific strategy.
Simultaneously, India has faced no hiccups maintaining its involvement in other regional forums like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS, showcasing its ability to engage with seemingly opposing blocs to further its interests in the Indo-Pacific region. India also has a role in Middle East diplomacy: Its involvement in the I2U2 group (India, Israel, UAE, USA) marks a new chapter in its Middle East diplomacy.
India’s deals and engagements on the fronts of defense equipment and preparedness, climate and environmental issues, and energy partnerships are acknowledged for their non-intrusive and non-offensive characters.
As an article in the Australian Strategic Policy Institute said last year, “In the past few years, India’s attraction for the West has increased because of its size and wealth.” The article went on to argue: “It is now the most populous nation globally, and in purchasing power parity terms has the world’s third highest GDP. Its attraction has grown as concerns about China have multiplied.”
But that is something China is not in a hurry to admit as it tries to confuse and distract India by its unwarranted intrusions into India’s eastern border areas.
In fact, China’s avowed opposition is the main reason for the stalemate on India’s Security Council seat issue. The Diplomat expanded on this in an article this month: “China is also uncomfortable with Japan, a close U.S. ally that, like India, is a strong contender for a permanent seat. Comprising Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan, the G-4 countries support each other’s bids for permanent seats on the Security Council. China has unofficially roped hints that it may back India, provided New Delhi doesn’t endorse Japan’s bid. China knows that New Delhi will not break the unity of the G-4 and thus, considers it is a safe bet to pit India against Japan.”
It is not that the West is sincerely backing India. Though the US has in principle supported a permanent seat for India, not many American policymakers are sure of supporting it at the crunch.
Throwing light on the matter, US-based South Asian expert Ashley Tellis recently penned a piece in Foreign Affairs magazine arguing that the” United States cannot be sure of India’s support on significant strategic matters”. Ashley later defended this position in an interview, saying “The current war in Ukraine is a good example … India defines its interest in ways that are not always identical to our own.”
Any confusion about India’s stand is also a signal of a rising India in world affairs. When a new power gains currency globally, there is an element of unpredictability or wariness that it espouses among observing nations. India, for all its multi-alignment strategies, has never taken leave of its streak of independence that remains a mystery factor for the world at large.
